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Comodo infame? He guesses her beauty from the consciousness of her walk, as ^neas recognises his goddess-mother: et vera incessu patuit dea. The work examines the interweavement of individual memory and historical past in. Giacomo Leopardi‟s Zibaldone, arguing that the genre of this „non-book‟. Sunt enim primum incessu ac reliquo omni gestu motuque corporis elati et tumidi [Soderini] condurrà le cose con honore et con comodo,” ibid., n. EM CLIENT ONLY SHOWS CONTACTS Доставка заказов делается на таксомоторных компаний Санкт-Петербурга, ищем проф водителей с хорошим день" нацеленных на зарабатывание средств. - одни делается на таксомоторных компаний по возможности проф водителей с хорошим познанием города, удовольствие. Ответственность,внимательность Обязанности:своевременная два раза. Выплаты впору, выходной день. Воскресенье - курьеров.

This volume comprises original contributions from 17 scholars whose work and careers Ronald Witt has touched in myriad w. English Pages [] Year This volume is a tribute to Theofanis G. This book traces the intellectual life of the Kingdom of Italy, the area in which humanism began in the mid-thirteenth c. The reception and influence of Lucian in the early Renaissance. Witt , Witt , This volume comprises original contributions from 17 scholars whose work and careers Ronald Witt has touched in myriad w 40 3MB Read more.

Caroto became a Mannerist; Torbido followed the lead advanced by the young Giorgione and Titian. The future of Veronese art, as with its politics, lay in dependence upon Venice, as exemplified by the greatest painter that Verona produced, Paolo Veronese.

Soon after the generation of Liberale and Domenico Morone passed, their style, and school vanished when the hazy traditions of late Quattrocento provincialism succumbed to the light of the more expressive Venetian style. It would be informative to refer to a few of the important artists during the s in Verona, for, if they did not necessarily draw from outside sources they did apparently borrow from each other. They are also not well known, even to the specialist in Venetian art history, so a brief review of their place in Veronese art and possible connections to Domenico Morone is appropriate.

One event, that lends itself in an odd way to the decorations in San Bernardino, is an incident involving Benaglio in In that year, he was charged with a colleague, one Martino, to have painted an obscene figure on a house on No. He was sentenced to several months imprisonment.

In this case, Cristoforo and Tommaso were cousins of Lionello Sagramoso. After his initial work in San Bernardino, he was never asked to execute any additional works in that church, that was to become the showcase for Veronese art over the next three decades.

With Benaglio, there is an interaction among the main figures, a Sacra Conversazione in its most literal sense. An earlier representation of this figure is found on the Guarienti tomb in Saint Eufemia, dated to At first glance, it appears to be an original design yet it was also used by Mantegna. Mantegna would use this device again in a column design on the Louvre Saint Sebastian, dated by Lightbown to Figs. Benaglio incorporates this figure into his work, and Domenico Morone would elaborate this form to crown the frieze along the borders of the Sala di Morone in It is also found in Veronese cassone and would later be used by the architect Michele Sanmicheli, to crown the Bevilacqua palace in Verona with much the same motif around Figs.

In he was commissioned by the Gonzaga in Mantua to create a trionfo della fama. The idea of a group of secular illuminati was certainly not a novel idea and was prevalent in northern Italian art at the end of the century. Although this commission was never executed, it may have provided a model for a contemporary sala degli homini religiosi, that would be realized in Verona a decade later.

Another Veronese influence was provided by Giovanni Maria Falconetto , important not so much for his painted works as his reliance on the antique, especially his use of Roman antiquities in his designs. Vasari related that: This master, recognizing the little value of his work in painting, and delighting beyond measure in architecture, set himself with great diligence to study and draw all the antiquities in his native city of Verona.

He then resolved to visit Rome, and to learn architecture from its marvelous remains, that are the true master Nor did he leave anything in Rome, either buildings or their members, such as cornices, capitals, and columns, of whatsoever Order, that he did not draw with his own hand.

They depend on an architectural system developed by Melozzo da Forli, with whom Falconetto apparently worked. First, a similar triadic figure appears in the frieze in the Chapel, the torso of a man with his lower extremities evolving into attaching floral designs Fig. Domenego di Moroni per metro a la capella di San Biasio fato dar per mis. Sigismondo e ms. Pero Antonio dal gagio in poste 4, como apar per una polizia de man del dito Jeronimo infina adi XII aprile o sia per boletin de ms.

Pero Antonio L. These are individuals who might have had a later association with Domenico Morone in the Sagramoso Library: Zuan Giacomo , Bartolomeo Badile , Gerolamo Mocetto , and the senior Antonio Badile Zuan Giacomo was both a painter and a barber, and worked primarily as a decorator.

Zuan Maria e m. Francesco lire undexe L. It is possible that this working arrangement could have carried over for another few years, into the Sagramoso Library. Exact ly which decorations he worked on in San Biagio are however, unclear. His payment schedule in that church ended in By this date, he was nearly seventy years old and this was presumably one of his last works. Falconetto, also listed in the anagrafi of worked with D. Morone in Chapel of San Biagio Franciscus, died in ?

Francesco Morone, Falconetto, and Michele da Verona, a close friend of Francesco Morone, are the most probable candidates for consideration as assistants, based on their artistic style and availability during this period. Besides Falconetto, the other painter who presumably had some 37 involvement in the decoration of the Sala di Morone, was Michele da Verona.

Michele was born in , the son of Zenone, who was a comber of wool in nearby Sommacampagna. The family moved to Verona in and in the anagrafo of Michele is listed as being 12 years old. Vasari omits any reference to Michele.

Indeed, Francesco Morone was a witness for Michele at his testament. The Saint Clare frescoes are dated to while the work on another Crucifixion , now in the Brera in Milan, is signed and dated to June Fig. Brenzoni attests that Michele de Verona collaborated with Domenico Morone, his master in the Sagramoso Library, following its construction in Liberale certainly was one of the two most famous painters in Verona during the late Quattrocento, along with Domenico Morone.

He was a judge with Morone for the sculptured figures atop the Consiglio in the Piazza dei Signoria. Liberale is important in the development of an expressive style, and is credited with having established one of the two main currents in artistic development in Verona.

When he was about twenty years old Liberale went to Monte Oliveto, near Siena, and remained in Tuscany for almost ten years, He is more involved with decoration than with the plasticity of his figures, and is at heart a decorative miniaturist.

Liberale pursued his artistic activity in Mantua with another Veronese artist, his uncle Nicolo Solimano in He later worked in San Bernardino in various chapels. All three have been lost. The Story of the Magi described by Vasari was obliterated by water damage. His later works, such as the capricious interpretation of the Adoration of the Magi in the Duomo of Verona, suggest a new turn in his style, perhaps borrowed from the frescoes of Cossa in the Palazzo Schifanoia, with its rude artificiality and improbable buildings Fig.

Some examples will illustrate this point. The Holy Trinity miniature suggests a prototype for the floral putti, with their short-cropped hair, focused glare and the initial stages of floral appendages, a figure, that will later be used in the Sagramoso Library, There are definite stylistic changes in Liberale over the course of thirty years. They portray a calm Madonna, with elongated fingers, and a cherubic Christ Child, stoic figures suspended in space and time.

Yet in the same year, he created a Crucifixion, that follows an almost gothic style, in line with the works of Cranach or Grunewald Fig. A comparison of one subject of Liberale, his depiction of Saint Sebastian, illustrates a wide divergence in representational styles. A painting in Princeton of Saint Sebastian, dated to 90, portrays a muscular Saint, a tormented figure, bristling with a dozen or so arrows. Sunken eyed, thick lipped, with perfectly curled hair, Sebastian rides on a cloud supported by angels Figs.

The accompanying painting of a Blessed Augustine Monk appears to be in even more pain, without the projectiles. We still have the upward gazing Saint that Liberale apparently maintained as his trademark. However, it is a sensuous Saint, less in agony than in pleading, with parted lips and unfettered feet.

In addition, the approach differs totally from the Saint Sebastian of an earlier decade. The face of the Madonna is elongated, her lips a mere line, her heavily lidded eyes looking downward, away from the viewer, engrossed in otherworldly thoughts. The lengthened fingers on both women accentuate a delicate sense of symmetry and proportion.

Another example of this lack of continuity is found in the Mystical Marriage of Saint Catherine, Fig. Liberale demonstrates that artistic styles change based on influences projected upon the artist, as well as his own developed sense of taste and expression. With an artist such as Liberale, who produced so many extant works in so many different styles, it would seem natural that he could revert to older methods, or continue in his development.

Liberale da Verona is but one example to refute such assertions based on stylistic variance alone. Girolamo Gerolamo dai Libri was three years younger than Francesco Morone, born about , and, according to Vasari, was trained by his father Francesco in the art of the miniature.

Apparently the early, formal training of Girolamo was in the workshop of Domenico Morone. Francesco Morone and Girolamo were friends and working associates who collaborated on a project in Santa Maria in Organo, and their styles were similar. Francesco Morone also requested Girolamo to witness his Testament in Yet, one of his early works, the Pieta of Malcesine, suggests a change in style toward more expressiveness, toward a softening of the folds in the garments, that may be attributed to the influence of Domenico Morone.

It was this imitation that was cultivated by Morone, transmitted to the young painter and encouraged by other members of the bottega. Girolamo dai Libri is critical to this study, not only of his painting abilities but also of his decorative skills as a miniaturist. One page by Girolamo dai Libri from the J.

Morone had used this design early on in his miniature of the Berlin Madonna and Child with Angels, as well as in a Berlin Nativity. Girolamo did borrow another motif from his father, that of the peacock image that was found in an early Adoration by Francesco dai Libri, now in Paris, and the previously mentioned Statua et Ordinamenta, a symbol of immortality and that of the incorruptible soul.

The early fifteenth-century in Verona was a period of disorder, confusion and moral apathy that coincided with the phenomenon of explosive population growth tempered by natural disasters. The golden age of the Scaligeri had ended, and the Visconti, who had been Lords of the city in , were ousted in following the death of Gian Galeazzo Visconti. In the Carrara of Padua had attempted to rule the city, an effort that ended in Venice absorbing both cities into the terraferma the following year.

A calendar of the noteworthy events experienced in the city for the first fifty years of the Quattrocento was outlined in the Cronica of Piero Zagata: 47 Plague infects a third of the population Jews are admitted to Verona Preaching of San Bernardino of Siena in the Duomo Verona is again afflicted by a plague A great blizzard affects much of Italy San Bernardino preaches again in Verona Plague in Verona continues through Of all the cities of the Veneto, Verona seems to have maintained a steady population growth until the mid-fourteenth-century.

A communal oath was sworn in by over six thousand Veronese to uphold a treaty between Vicenza and Padua. Assuming that all adult males participated, this would suggest a population of between 20, and 25, persons. Verona would have been larger than Pisa and Bologna, and would have presumably reached 40, inhabitants by the mid-fourteenth-century, about half of the population of Florence, according to Giovanni Villani.

In the Archivio di Stato di Verona are preserved twenty- four urban surveys, estimi, between and Eleven were drawn up within the first century of Venetian rule, including those of , , , , , , , , , , and Some fifty communal districts or contrade are mentioned, that list heads of households, and their tax assessment.

Also preserved are the anagrafi or census records used in the preparation of the estimi. In , there were almost 40, inhabitants in Verona. By that figure had dropped to about 15, people, decreasing to an estimated 14, by In , there was a rise to almost 21,, a figure which nearly doubled by , to 41, Veronese society apparently was one that was almost without unmarried women in their twenties and abounding with single young men. As Herlihy noted, women who were not married by twenty seem to have been assigned to convents.

The social implications derived from these figures may have served as a stimulus for other social vices such as prostitution or homosexuality, a recurring theme of the preaching frati. Professions serving a luxury market grew in the mid-Quattrocento. Both the podesta and Capitano of the city were Venetian and had full powers over the maintenance of law and order.

The Consiglio dei Dodici or executive council of twelve, that elected a subcouncil or Consiglio Grande of fifty members, was comprised of the upper classes of Veronese society who were permitted to serve for six month terms. To have been a Roman city during the Renaissance carried immense prestige, and the Veronese always harbored an overt pride about their Roman past. Although Venice called itself the New Rome, it was not built on Roman foundations, but lagoon mud.

Manifestations of this interest can be seen in the artistic patrimony in the early Renaissance. One of the first examples was the reconstruction of the Torre dei Lamberti, the tower of the Palazzo del Commune that had been damaged in and was rebuilt in It has been suggested that the architectural scheme for the rebuilding of the Lamberti Tower relied on the example of the great clock tower in Vicenza that had been erected in Also significant was the design of the loggia in the Piazza della Signoria, adjacent to the Piazza Erbe.

As Newman has pointed out the development of public spaces in Verona proceeded on lines advocated by Alberti in the Ten Books of Architecture. He noted that: Nothing can be a greater ornament, either to squares or to the meeting of several streets, than arches at the entrance of the streets, an arch being indeed nothing else but a gate standing continually open.

This precedent was set in the late fifteenth-century when a statue of San Zeno was placed over the new arch between the Casa di Pieta and the Loggia. Reference to this public building is important in this discussion for three reasons. First there are five statues topping the structure and, though not directly above an arch, they do follow the Albertian recommendation. The commission to execute the five statues went to Alberto da Milano. In part his poem recounted the greatness of the Veronese cultural past: Of this and those who made great works, that of Lucio Vitruvio the builder knew art and wrote about it, and knew geometry and measure Then there is Catullus, diversified poet, who also wrote volumes, and put into poetry his method, as was his custom And also Macer, who was Veronese , a great poet and a great philosopher And Gagio Plinio who understood everything While this is a contemporary description rather than a source for the statues, it does suggest that Avogadro saw the figures as being among the most important ancient figures from Verona, and applauded their presence on the Loggia as an inspiration to his contemporaries.

Alberto da Milano was not the first choice for this sculptural assignment. The more important artist was the Veronese sculptor, Antonio Rizzo, who was working in Venice at the time. They approved the executed works and, with slight modifications, the statues were accepted. In the Consiglio asked permission of the Venetian authorities to rebuild the old palace for their own use, and a tax was approved for this new construction.

Twenty years passed before the Consiglio asked to be able to refurbish three rooms of the old building. These renovations were to take place in harmony with the new Loggia, simple and less decorated. They were decorated by Domenico Morone.

The windows of the first level of the Consiglio are rectangular, while those of the second level are arched, thus allowing ample space for decorative murals. Unfortunately, the documentation on this commission is extremely sparse. First, there was the realization of a powerful religious force within the city and province, that of the Franciscans and their particular form of religious understanding and expression. Many of the early themes of the Order were formed in the church of San Fermo beginning in the second half of the Trecento.

Their financial involvement served to promote familial prestige and acted as an expression of their piety. Third, a renewed interest in the indigenous cultural life of the city cut a deep channel, directing artistic undertakings to be completed by local artisans relying on local traditions. A listing of the projects begun between and in Verona indicates that individual lay patrons were involved in as many as thirty significant artistic works in the several churches in the city.

These do not include works initiated and paid for by the religious, i. See Appendix 1. And the decorations in the chapel of San Biagio in the Church of Santi Nazaro e Celso at the end of the century included many prominent Veronese artists.

The competition for souls and donations was obviously fierce with the dawning of the new century, and the building of San Bernardino. By that date, he was forty-one years old, an age by which his contemporary Liberale da Verona had completed some twenty-four manuscripts and seventeen full sized paintings.

By the end of his career, Liberale would produce a total of nearly one hundred manuscript miniatures, paintings and frescoes. By the time of his death in , Domenico Morone is generally credited with only three signed works. There are another eleven attributed works, as well as eight or so paintings attributed to him by Vasari or other writers, that have been destroyed or are missing.

See Appendix 2. Morone is only one of several major Veronese artists who have not received significant scholarly notice. Of his contemporaries, only Liberale and Cavazzola have received a monographic study of their art. The son of Domenico Morone, Francesco, was the subject of a lengthy article in the s, while Girolamo dai Libri, Falconetto, and Bonsignori have received brief recognition. An examination of the life and artistic influences upon Domenico Morone is critical to any further investigation into his Opus Major, the Sagramoso Library in the church of San Bernardino.

The documentation for Morone, as with most of the Veronese painters, is sketchy and is derived from remnants of anecdotal information from Vasari in the sixteenth -century, and antiquarian mythology in the following centuries. What ensues is a brief note on the son- in-law and follower of Turbido, Battista del Moro, then Francesco Monsignori born , and finally, Domenico Morone. In his remarks on Francesco Morone, Vasari noted that: Thus Francesco Morone who learned the first principles of art from his father, afterwards exerted himself in such a manner that in a short time he became a much better master than his father had been, as the works that he executed in emulation of those of his father clearly demonstrate.

After him followed artistic possibilities bereft with failure. Francesco left an only brother who was a priest, thus allowing for the extinction of the Dai Libri family. This manifestation of natural selection in the art world brought to a close the school of Domenico Morone by the early Cinquecento.

Vasari reported that he had assistance in his narrative on the artists of Verona from his very good friend and sculptor Danese Cattaneo and the Dominican Fra Marco de Medici. Both are mentioned in the Vita of Francesco Turbido as being the best of friends with the artist, and this might have had some influence over which Veronese artists were given special consideration. The imprecision of this remark may be viewed in several ways. First there was the probable confusion of the Piazza Sordello, where the action takes place, with that of the Piazza San Pietro.

Then, Vasari misinterpreted the central scene, the investiture of the Gonzaga with the entire painting, suggesting a battle scene with dead and dying due to jousting and other festivities accompanying a solemn event. Apparently, Vasari never actually saw this work and relied on secondary sources for his information. The data available on Domenico Morone is sketchy, which accounts for a continued lack of reference in scholarly literature to this painter.

Vasari devotes only a few paragraphs to him. He can be considered an original source only for the period after Vasari, for he relied on the Vite for much of his earlier material, but is of value for his recording of artists of the Seicento. In his comprehensive study he attempted to list the most important works of art in Verona by location. Dal Pozzo offers some scholarly insight in his references to Morone, suggesting that besides Stefano, Domenico was a disciple of Jacopo Bellini, Pisanello, and others.

He is somewhat vague as to what Morone actually did produce, saying that he made many paintings that are in churches, and in private houses. Maffei follows Vasari, mentioning the Aretine as his source and manages to compress the entire Quattrocento artistic production into two pages. He also provided important archival source material on churches, monasteries, chapels, orders of clergy, and attempts to identify some works of art within the church.

In fairness, the Pellegrini Chapel was one of the architectural wonders of the Cinquecento in the city, while the Sala was private and cloistered, but certainly known to the cognoscenti of Verona. Bernasconi brought a startling yet refreshing approach to art historiography. He disputed Vasari on his underlying premise: Vasari could not be historically faithful and impartial because he believed and wished others to believe that a golden age of art had returned during the Renaissance, reaching its peak in the works of artists who were all Tuscan, and for the most part Florentine.

He refers to Vasari eight times in his commentary on Morone, which is quoted in its entirety: 67 The history of art is poorly informed regarding our best artists, and was not informed that Domenico Morone, who was taught by the followers of Victor Pisanello, was denied recognition since the second half of the 15th century. The first of a pure Veronese school, they had disciples and followers, who were better than those who derived from Mantegna and Bellini, who we see in this following study.

In the anagrafi of for the contrada of SanVitale we find him mentioned , 49 years of age, having been born in , one Dominicus pictor q. Augustini Pelacani. The painter Domenico, whose name was based on the profession of his father, was called Pelacano, acquiring the surname of Morone, which he gave to the family. We do not understand why Vasari did not include Domenico Pelacano in his book [first edition]. Domengo depentore lire 30 pte.

This opinion that Domenico Pelacano was the same person as Domenico Morone, is confirmed from the above citation in the anagrafi of where are registered the children of Domenico: Franciscus pictor an 18 Antonio pictor an 18 Maria pit. Francesco in was 18 years old, born in , which is approximately the year of the birth of Francesco Morone dated by Vasari. They follow a large design with accuracy and were the precursors of the grand period of our painters.

Of the pictures of Domenico, described by the Aretine biographer, there were also a few reliquaries in the chapel of Saint Anthony. Nothing is said of the portelle of the organ in this same church of San Bernardino painted in tempera, or did he only see the well conserved two Saints Lodovico, King of France and Bonaventura? These two doors , reduced to the size of paintings The inscription which is found above the organ assures us that these Saints were painted by Domenico in But where this painter found a larger space for his genius was in the library, now the refectory, in the convent of the same Church of San Bernardino.

On the wall in the front is painted the Virgin with Child seated and surrounded by Angels in various positions of attendance. On the broad plain genuflect a male and female devotee. The first is presented by San Francesco the other by Saint Clare. From the richness of his clothing it is suggested the these are two important people.

All of the figures are grand with vitality. The dignity of the Virgin and the lively piety of the devotes are excellently expressed. In the other walls of the refectory are painted above the columns portraits figures truly drawn of the most illustrious members of the Order of the religious inhabitants of the convent, and above this are another series of portraits in half figure in tondi in the form of medallions.

This work, executed in buon fresco, and for their conservation and artistic merit in color, design and in the life of the figures, constitutes a valuable gallery of the sincere Veronese painting of the XV century, entirely forgotten in the history of Italian painting. The vastness of this work was credited to Domenico who in was 61 years old, with the assistance of his son Francesco, born in , by the young Paolo Morando, born in , and especially Michele da Verona, who had followed many parts in the wall where he painted.

I wish to point out. Zannandreis was a merchant in Verona who had a passionate interest in local art. He does, however, mention the early works attributed to Morone found in the Catalogo of the Communal Gallery in Verona. The Saint Christopher fresco in all likelihood refers to a destroyed work on the Casa Giusti on the Via Mazza, preserved in a drawing by Piero Nanin in his Disegni di varie pitture a affreschi di Verona. Cavalcaselle came to Verona first in to examine local art works.

Many were in private collections, such as those of the Da Persico and Bevilacqua families and the major collection of Dr. Cesare Bernasconi who donated all of his art to the fledgling Museo Civico after his death in He also sketched the main fresco in the Sagramoso Library in , which he attributed to Morone. The artistic legacy of Domenico Morone followed Vasari, attaching a school to Liberale and to Morone.

Their first mention of his work is the library of the convent of San Bernardino in , a work they claim he was commissioned to paint and for which records of payments existed. No additional information is provided on this tantalizing note. Crowe and Cavalcaselle concluded with a positive assessment of Domenico and his son, who created a partnership, based on the precepts of Mantegna, and which formed the most important branch of Veronese painting.

On the one hand, he devotes two paragraphs to Domenico Morone in his North Italian Painters and, in this short space, was able to both categorize and trivialize his works. He was undaunted by the traditional attribution to Benaglio, which the Museum had made in It now seems to me improbable that the man who in painted the San Bernardino triptych, showing every sign of a mature and established style, should have let it go and both fallen and risen to an art at once so inferior in draughtsmanship and structure and so superior in poetry and ornamental beauty, as our four Madonnas.

On the other hand these same Madonnas make manifestly continuous series with the damaged Madonna in Berlin signed by Domenico Morone and dated , if we allow several years to have elapsed after the latest of the four, the Louvre one. Considerable deflation has taken place; both figures have thinned down and hardened, and look sadder in consequence, and much more oppressed by thought.

Nevertheless the similarity remains although perhaps it is not easy to describe. Rudolph Wittkower, another notable art scholar who has approached the Veronese school and specifically the works Domenico Morone, was more direct in his assessment than Berenson. He was intimate with the subject matter and did not find it appealing. Mayer and Knapp. Apparently, Wittkower studied architecture in the summer of at the technical school in Charlotenburg.

His interest in Italian painting, according to his brief introduction to this dissertation, was kindled during a three month vacation in the south during his Fruhjahr in and a later extended stay in Italy in His dissertation was accepted on May 28, , Dr. Goldschmidt signing the final work. It would be a fair assessment of Rudolf Wittkower that his unqualified view of Morone and his Verona school was less than laudatory.

If he was an inferior artist, why was Morone given such commissions? It was presumably because he was, at age 52, at the height of his powers and was respected in Verona. Even though that placed him on the same plane with Liberale, Wittkower followed the analysis further. Morone was neither innovative nor particularly gifted. But he constantly produced works which were not offensive.

He relied only on Italian secondary studies in his dissertation, following the traditional Vasari, Dal Pozzo, and Biancolini texts as original sources. And, as it has been shown, these sources have little to say about Domenico Morone. He used no archival documentation. The special literature on Morone lists sixteen sources, five in German, one in English, one in French, and four short articles in Italian about specific works, including Venturi and Testi, Frizzoni, and the somewhat romantic work by the Franciscan Dal-Gal on the Sala di Morone.

His German and English references, on the other hand, were as recent as It was not that the war had necessarily impeded his research. He apparently had the sources at his disposal. He was not restricted in their accessibility, being in Rome in the aftermath of the conflict, rather than being cut off from the sources and the research opportunities. Further investigation might have revealed several important studies on Veronese art and Domenico Morone which, if consulted, did not find their way into his bibliography.

These include studies by Matteucci and S. Thus, the scholarly repository from which he was able to draw was so meager that his only recourse was to approach the subject through the eyes of a young skeptic. While not confronted with any living proponents of this art to dispute his assessments, Wittkower felt he had carte blanche to create his own narrative and conclusions without any promise of debate. The art world had not paid serious attention to this region and this artist.

He had merely concurred , decided that there was little original worth studying, moved on and never turned back. Indeed, this attitude manifested itself for nearly 40 years, until the post war period. Mantegna, Michaelangelo, and Titian, began to lose its appeal, especially in the northern cities, whose artistic legacy had been omitted or diminished to a large degree, not only by Vasari but, five hundred years later, by Berenson and Wittkower.

From these studies a portrait of the artist and his art may be sketched. According to the anagrafi listings for the contrada of San Vitale, Domenico was born in to Agostino, a tanner of skins, and died about Apparently, he lived his entire life in San Vitale, on the northern side of the Adige, with only a brief period in the contrada of San Quirico. Three years after his arrival, Agostino married Donna Maddalena, daughter of Bertoldo, a miller from the village of Illasi, a short distance to the east of Verona.

In the anagrafi of several facts can be determined. Whether this was a conscious inconsistency on the part of Domenico Morone or errors in transcription, it was not until that he settled upon the name 81 Morone to sign some of his works. Clare , then probably 22 years of age was not listed. The son Cabrielo who would have been nineteen years old, was also omitted. Lodovigo, aged five in was not mentioned. Francesco and Antonio, both listed as being 18, are cited as being painters pictor.

Another child, Maria, aged 11, was also noted. She was not found in the anagrafi when she would have been 21 years old and presumably married. Vasari indicated that Domenico was a student of some disciples of Stefano, as well as having learned from works by Stefano, by Jacopo Bellini, and Pisanello, with no documentation to support this assertion.

Recently, in the Archivio di Stato di Verona, several documents were discovered from the monastery of Santi Nazaro e Celso in which Domenico Morone is cited as an assistant to Francesco Benaglio. The document is dated and indicates the first and only direct reference to the relationship between the two artists. He then moved to Siena to learn and work. Caroto studied with Liberale and apprenticed himself to Mantegna in Mantua, as did Francesco Monsignori, who also was highly regarded at the Gonzaga Court.

The first stage she describes as a Padua-Benaglio phase, with documentation linking Morone to Francesco Benaglio. One could make an argument that Mantegna had as much an influence in this case as Melozzo, considering the figures in the work.

Many of the same technical devices used by Mantegna in the Camera Picta are found in the Chapel of San Biagio, including floating angels and the central oculus with peering spectators. It may also be observed that Falconetto was the principal artist contracted for this work and that Morone had to conform to a preconceived style of the lead artist and the patrons.

Other artistic allusions were derived from Carpaccio and the Bellini as well as Benaglio. In the contemporary Martyrdom of Saint Ursula, two events also occur in the same painting. The canvas is divided by the brutal murder of the Saint and her followers on the left, followed on the right side by the tranquil and triumphant burial of Ursula.

In the Cacciata dei Bonacolsi, Morone shows a similar manipulation of time and space. The Gonzaga enter into Mantua with their Veronese allies through the Porta de Mulina featured on the left of the painting. In the foreground Luigi Gonzaga and his allies engage in theatrical battle exchanges and defeat the Bonacolsi.

It can be suggested that Morone worked with Liberale, possibly in Siena. In the first place, Liberale and Morone were contemporaries, Morone born about , Liberale about Liberale remained in Tuscany until He later worked in Mantua in and in Verona in That does not mean that he never left the city.

Indeed, the Bonacolsi work, which was signed in , was apparently completed in Mantua, and several other works in Trent were also painted in situ while Morone still legally resided in Verona. His attributed works in Vicenza, the three works of the Life of San Biagio also fall into this category, as well as a number of lost works.

This translation of motif might have taken place through Francesco Dai Libri to his son, who became a follower of Domenico and friend of Francesco Morone. Finally, there were the frescoes on the Loggia of the Piazza Signore, which were mentioned by Vasari. Who were his influences and to what extent did he imitate these styles? We know that Morone was a local artist who presumably did not travel far outside his sphere of Verona, Mantua, and possibly Trent.

Yet, he was exposed to many artistic currents from Venice and Tuscany, without necessarily traveling to these sites. At one time or another many of the most influential artists of the period passed through or worked in Verona and its environs. In his earliest signed work, the Berlin Madonna of , one can trace a major influence from the Venetian artists, especially Jacopo Bellini.

The Madonna looks down in contemplation with the Christ Child on her right arm offering a blessing Fig. The elongated form of the nude Child is balanced precariously on one foot on a ledge, with the Madonna holding His right foot for stability.

Here the Child either leans against the mother or is somehow out of her grasp, at the edge of a ledge, demanding a physical response from the spectator. There is also the ubiquitous but indeterminate fruit on the ledge as in the Morone work. It is noteworthy that another gesture in the Berlin Madonna is also found in Sienese painting of the mid-Quattrocento. It is a seemingly unconscious gesture, but one which rarely manifested itself in the northern Italian art of the Bellini, or Mantegna.

It does, however, appear in the early works of Cima Fig. It is conceivable that Morone adopted this stance either from direct observation of these works in Siena, or through his relationship with Veronese artists who had worked in Siena, especially Liberale. This gesture alerts the Madonna and the Child to the spectator. She is now announcing not only her presence but also her special position in the church. The elevation of the Virgin on a throne, suggested in the Berlin work, is evident in the San Bernardino frescoes.

It is in the figure of the Madonna of Giovanni Bellini that additional influences may be drawn. The Frizzoni Madonna Fig. In many cases, the Child is holding a piece of fruit, possibly a pomegranate. Indeed, one of his works now in the National Gallery, London, is named after this fruit although Martin Davies disputes the identification of this produce.

The Madonna is now enthroned or is in front of a Cloth of Honor, and the Child is nude, with the Madonna presenting His human form to the spectator. Two compositions of a Virgin and Child London, National Gallery , and another dated to in the Accademia, Venice, illustrate this change. And this motif was used repeatedly by one Quattrocento artist, Francesco Benaglio.

It is likely that Morone borrowed this trapping from Benaglio, although paintings of a Presentation in the Temple by both Giovanni Bellini and Andrea Mantegna, dated to and respectively, also feature a head covering for the Christ Child Figs.

In this regard, he was an innovator of a specifically Veronese type of Renaissance landscape. The solidity of the body and the folds of the drapery are achieved through modeling with light and shade. The shadow cast by the Virgin upon the face of the Child suggests an understanding of light sources and their effect in creating the illusion of density. A Madonna and Child, unsigned and undated but attributed to Morone in the Castelvecchio Museum, also suggests the angularity of the artist and a certain volume of composition.

The swaddled Christ Child also moves His legs while grasping a finch, a popular symbol in Veronese art. His mother holds Him in His swaddling clothes, aware of the later fate which is to befall her Child, while attempting to protect Him even at this point from a slip or fall. A second, albeit brief, influence on the art of Morone may be extracted from his second signed and dated work, the Cacciata dei Bonacolsi of In the foreground Luigi Gonzaga with his allies fight the Bonacolsi, the rulers of Mantua, while his troops force their way into the Palazzo del Capitano.

In the center of the painting Luigi Gonzaga is invested as Capitano of the city. In order to unite three separate stories into one painting Morone chose to create a triangular composition. The base of this arrangement is the battle scene in the foreground, stretching from left to right, dominated by stiff figures engaging in theatrical battle.

On the left is a fallen horse balanced on the right by another animal in a similar position. In the center, a horse stumbles toward the interior of the work while next to it another steed is ready to charge away from the center.

Soldiers are composed to stand or stride to balance other soldiers. In the center of the Cacciata, within the larger, triangular form is a circular shape, indicating a calmer, triumphant moment in which the investiture of the Gonzaga takes place. This form is most perfect, according to Alberti, since nature loves a round shape and many temples of antiquity followed the form because of its affinity with perfection.

Culminating this tripartite amalgam, in the center of the painting, is the triangular form of the cathedral, a most peaceful yet symbolically powerful witness to the activities. He borders the picture on either side with architecture, which leads from the edge of the painting to the background. He uses an imposing structure in the foreground, parallel to the picture plane to tie the two sides together and form the tip of the imaginary triangle of the composition.

In this case, the lateral buildings of the Piazza San Marco form the sides, and the Basilica of San Marco form the top of the triangle. This is found in the foreshortening of several of the soldiers who have fallen in battle , a technique used by Mantegna in the Agony in the Garden predella panel from the San Zeno Altarpiece or his other Christ in the Garden of Olives Another possible and overlooked source for his study was the Sala del Pisanello in Mantua, executed in the s by Pisanello and only rediscovered in the s.

They depict Arthurian legends, with knights fighting in disordered battle formations. Although incomplete, the sinopia and extant frescoes indicate several foreshortened knights, horses, and lances portrayed in the fray 99 Figs. He would have certainly been aware of the Pisanello frescoes and their involved iconography as well as Mantegna and his work in Mantua. More important was the purpose of both the Sala Pisanello and the Cacciata dei Bonacolsi.

The Arthurian frescoes, resplendent with knights and tales of chivalry suggested a collective dream of fantasy, of present day Mantuan nobles reinterpreting history to share chivalric honors with Bohart and the other victorious knights. This type of romantic tournament was held regularly in Ferrara, related through marriage to the Gonzaga Court. It gave visual legitimacy to what was, in fact, a duplicitous and violent overthrow of the Bonacolsi government.

The Cacciata was to be part of a cycle of works which would glorify the Gonzaga family. What are the known and observable facts? Mantegna was working on a Madonna with Four Saints now in the Trivulzio, Milan, while Morone was engaged on several diverse projects within the church. Both names appear next to each other in the book of payments. Domenico Morone received twenty- four payments for unspecified work which included the painting of an altarpiece in the church and the gilding of a statue of Saint Catherine.

These works were completed between and , the beginning of a period of intense activity for Morone. In Domenico Morone was about 63 years old. With such a prodigious outpouring of work over a short span of time, did the elder Morone have the desire to imitate another style, especially from an artist who was, himself, creating less artistic output? It must be recalled that work in the Studiolo, as well as the Camera Picta were for private or ceremonial use, hardly public places.

Their effect upon the creative practices of other artists may have been slight. In scenes with San Biagio surrounded by animals, the rock formations have the composition and texture of a Mantegna landscape, especially his Agony in the Garden and Resurrection panel from the San Zeno Altarpiece.

In both instances two soldiers on horseback frame the composition. In both works a figure stands perilously close to the soon to be executed Saint. The background of both compositions features a winding road leading to a towered cityscape. Spectators on the distant road approach the execution site.

Since Mantegna placed the setting for the Saint James series in an antique cityscape, he concluded his series with ruins bordering the scene. Morone also remains constant with his location, and frames his work with the unnatural Mantegnaesque rock formations found in the first panel. They are likely an earlier work by Morone, rather than borrowed from the Madonna della Vittoria. Given the strong personality of Mantegna and his inability to recruit and sustain students, Morone would have received his inspiration either directly from Mantegna, or indirectly, from Liberale, or possibly another artist who followed Mantegna, such as Bonsignori.

It is one thing to follow a compositional style verbatim from a master to an assistant, where some influences can be detected and observed. It is quite another matter to borrow similar motifs, trappings, and gestures from other artists. When the formal treatment of the Sagramoso Library is discussed these motifs will be examined in more detail, but a few references may be cited here.

From the Camera Picta Morone borrowed two motifs. The style of wings which adorn the putti on the west wall of the room and the facial characteristics of some of the cherubs and their relationship to Gonzaga family portraits suggest a more than passing knowledge of the Gonzaga frescoes. The ceiling of this room is crowned by a gilded wooden sun which is surrounded with acanthus ornamentation Fig.

Encircling the sun design are fruited and floral swags, bound in eight sections. To say that the artist of the Sala di Sole was influenced by Mantegna would be correct, but the artist was not a direct imitator. The drawings are carefully thought out, tight and crisp, with very little modeling.

The frescoes in the Sala di Sole are organic, flourishing plant life, growing, bursting forth, with only an ornamental vase placed intermittently to remind us that there is some sort of secondary purpose for these leaves, that this is a decorative candelabrum. The acanthus leaves are cut deep and lead the spectator to believe that they have depth, and weight. Bordering the ceiling are similar decorative patterns, flourishing, juxtaposing vibrant floralscapes with the somber rosette squares, which cover the ceiling.

In the nearby church of Santa Maria dei Voti, a series of frescoes relating to the Life of the Virgin offers a similar design as the Sala di Sole. Surrounding each roundel is a floral swag in the same style found in the Sala di Sole, with four rows of leaves decorated with fruit Fig. Surrounding the roundel swags are the familiar acanthus embellishments, following the same vibrant, deeply cut designs as in the Sala decorations.

These works have been attributed recently to Nicolo da Verona. Brenzoni, in his Dizionario di artisti Veneti, identifies Nicolo as the uncle of Liberale da Verona who worked with him in Mantua in the s. In this later work, possibly from the s, some features may be noted which are similar to those several Madonnas attributed to Morone.

Mary is seated on a stone throne with fictive marble steps, a replica of the throne which Morone would construct for the Madonna in the Sala di Morone Fig. Morone, however, did not imitate this motif, for it apparently was an example of an older style. He relied on other techniques to create spatial dimension. What role did Solimano play in the development of Domenico Morone?

This is improbable since his signed Madonna in Mantua dates from , attesting that the artist completed his work at the age of 4! Nicolo was the uncle of Liberale of Verona and presumably somewhat older. Liberale was born in As a contemporary of Domenico Morone, a collaborator with both Mantegna and Liberale, Nicolo provides a viable link between these schools and Morone.

The question remains who collaborated with whom? A probable answer is that Morone worked with Solimano in decorating the works in Mantua, dated to It is also evident in the fresco decorations in the cupola of the chapel of San Biagio in the church of Santi Nazaro e Celso in Verona as well as his work in Santa Maria Organo in The recently attributed miniatures of Morone are of a later date, but surely continue a decorative trend that had apparently begun years earlier.

Through his training in Mantua, his peripheral work in the city of the Gonzaga led him to one of his first major works, the Cacciata dei Bonacolsi. After this preparatory exposure Morone was confident enough to return to Verona, to San Bernardino, to decorate the Medici Chapel and finally achieve his masterwork, the Sagramoso Library.

After having satisfied his Gonzaga employers he would have been recommended to other important patrons, including the Franciscans in Verona and their wealthy patrons, the Medici and Sagramoso families. Apparently, Bevera was hired to paint decorations in a precise manner as the geometric designs found in the Piazza dei Signoria. After a short deliberation, the verdict was rendered in favor of Della Bevera and against Sagramoso, who refused to accept the verdict and demanded other arbitrators.

His ranking as an important Veronese artist was apparent from these incidents, a man not only competent to paint for the Gonzaga but also to referee fellow artists in important enterprises in the city. Wolfgang Kallib, Vasaristudien Leipzig: B. Teubner, 70, reg. Betty Radice. Officina Bodoni Verona: , Commenti di Gaetano Milanesi Florence: Sansoni, , 7, See also the study by A.

Luigi Simeoni, Guida storico-artistico della citta e provincia Verona: 8. Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania: Cristina Cona, Domenico Morone. Tesi di Laurea, University of Udine, Recent publications on art history in Verona are found in the appendices of the Archivio Veneto.

The two volumes cover the years Verona e il suo territorio Verona: Istitudo per gli studi storici veronesi: An anti-Veronese current of art criticism evolved in the wake of an exhibition held a few years earlier in Padua entitled Dopo Mantegna Padua: Electa, From the curious representations of Giorgio Schiavone to the Mantegnaesque renderings of Bernardo Parentino, indigenous art was annihilated once the master had moved on to Mantua.

London: : I , ff. Bernard Berenson. Italian Painters of the Renaissance. London: Phaidon : I: 70 ff. Paul Kristeller, Mantegna , ff. Ronald Lightbown, Mantegna, Luca Baggio, ed. Thompson, Jr. There are a few sources for Francesco Benaglio. Bartolomeo Dal Pozzo, Vita dei pittori, de gli scultori et architetti Veronese Verona: , reprint: Verona : It is curious that this work is the only one mentioned in the brief account by Dal Pozzo.

Paul Schubring, Cassoni. Bonsignori is mentioned again in as painting a Last Supper in Mantua, now destroyed, in San Francesco de Zoccolanti, replete with Gonzaga portraits. A preparatory drawing in the Albertina for this work shows a young Francesco Gonzaga genuflecting before his father Francesco, with San Bernardino presenting cardinal Sigismondo and Elenora Gonzaga to Christ. Several other works are attributed to Bonsignori while he worked side by side with Mantegna at the court of Mantua.

Also, the delicate figures of the Madonna and Magdalene follow the styles of the next generation of artists, specifically Francesco Morone, especially his Madonna and Child, in the Church of Saint Paolo. The area of dispute in this investigation centers on the influence of Melozzo da Forli on several figures in the Chapel of San Biagio in the church of Santi Nazaro e Celso. Recently restored they have usually been attributed to Falconetto and conforms to his style.

Since Falconetto was the primary contracted party in the Santi Nazaro project it follows that he would offer the stylistic lead, while several of the angels clearly indicate his influence. Gunter Schweikhart, in Maestri, ff.

Vasari, Vite, VI, ff. Archivio del com. Anagrafe de San Nazario extra et intus. Raffaello Brenzoni, Dizionario di artisti veneti. Florence: , This is a very useful collection of primary source references of individuals who worked in the Venetian terraferma during the thirteenth through the eighteenth centuries.

The documentation on Liberale da Verona is much more extensive than with any other Veronese painter of the late Quattrocento. His extant works, attributed, signed, lost or destroyed amount to some 90 works, not including the miniature series in the Piccolomini Library in Siena. Carlo dal Bravo, Liberale da Verona Florence: Gino Castiglioni e Sergio Marinelli, ed. The literature on Girolamo, as with most Veronese artists, is scant.

See B. Vasari had commented on this work, as being most beautiful. See Marinelli Miniatura Veronese, ff. Pier Zagata, Cronica Verona: : 3 vols. III, Hale, ed. Renaissance Venice London: Faber and Faber, : The unpublished oath is found in the Archivio di Stato Cremona S. Giovanni Villani. Cronica di Giovanni Villani. Florence: , reprinted Rome: VI, Book 11, chap.

This remains the basic study of the economy, population and catasto records for Verona. Artigiani e luoghi di lavoro a Verona sec. Quirico was located next to the Piazza Erbe while S. Vitale was located across the Adige near San Nazaro. Doctoral Thesis Oxford University: Verona: Banca Popolare, , : I, offers a superb overview of architectural activities in Verona during the fifteenth-century.

Verona: Neri Pozza Editor, Alberti, The Ten Books of Architecture. Leoni, ed. Geoffrey Newman. Veronese Architecture in the Quattrocento. Francesco Corna da Soncino, Fioretto de la antiche croniche di Verona e de tutti I soi confini e de le reliquie che se trovano dentro in ditta citade. March Verona: Cornelius Nepos was the author of a De viris illustribus and an acquaintance of Catullus. E S Lat Alpha t. IV, no. Peebles and R. Atti del Consiglio, Archivio del Commune, vol 64 f.

Morone, Liberale and Anthony Giolfino: February 26, Pro solvenda mercede sua lapicidis qui faecerant imaginis lapideis ponendis supra palatium salae consilii comunis Veronae. Lecta in hoc consilio relatione facta per magistrum Liberalem, et magistrum Domenicum Pelacanum pictores ac magistrum Antonium intaiatorem referentes quod correctis ipsis imaginious sicut ipsi ordinaverunt poterunt stare satis convenienter super dicto palatio Vadit pars quae ponitur per Spectabilem dominum Hieronymum de Cataneis provisorem comunis et dominum Andream de Bandis caput XII deputatorum quod nunc solvatur dictis lapicidis dimidia mercedis eorum: et facta correctione iuxta relationem dictorum pictorum et intaiatoris et positis in opere dictis imaginious et adimpletis omnibus ad que teneatur relique eorum merces eis persolvatur integre.

Capta de ball. Giorgio Vasari, Le Vite, 6: Bartolomeo Dal Pozzo, Vita dei pittori, de gli scultori et architetti Veronese Verona: , reprint: Verona , Vasari, Vite ,VI, Dal Pozzo, Vite, Scipione Maffei. Verona Illustrata Verona: , ff Biancolini, Notizie, Piero Gazzola, ed. Michele Sanmicheli Venice: , , figures Cesare Bernasconi, Studie sopra la storia della pittura italiana dei secoli xiv e xv e della scuola pittorica veronese fino al secolo xviii Verona: Reprint , ff.

Bernasconi was the first to suggest that Morone was the author of the Sagramoso Library but Da Persico, writing in , was the first to mention in print the existence of the library. Zannandreis, Le Vite, References to works attributed to Domenico Morone are cited on pages 12, 15, 18, , , , The Saints of the Paladon frescoes are Saint Rocco, Saint Anthony of Padua with his symbols of a lily and book, Saint Onofrius with a crown and a baton, and Saint Lucy with the palm of martyrdom and a small vase, and Saint Catherine with a wheel, book and palm.

Saint Leonardo, Saint Gottard and Saint Dominici are depicted without easily recognizable attributes. The works were removed from the church in by Attilio Motta to the Castelvecchio Museum. Crowe and Cavalcaselle, A History of Painting, Licisco Magagnato, G. Berenson, Bernard, North Italian Painters, Photocopy in possession of author. I and II: Domenico Morone. Wittkower, Painters of Verona, Verona was divided into forty- eight contrade in Each were further divided into five Quartiere , four to the left of the river and one to the right of the Adige.

These 48 contrade roughly corresponded to the 54 parishes in the city. It also included San Giorgio and Santi Nazario. Selwyn Brinton, Humanism and Art London: , 63, is another early essay not cited by Wittkower which compartmentalizes the Veronese schools and follows Vasari and Berenson rather closely. Wittkower, Painters of Verona, , and Tagliaferri, Marco Maggiore, fasc.

Livelli, Monasterio di Santi Nazaro e Celso. Archivio di Stato di Verona, Catastico B a 2, c. Gunter Schweikhart, Fassadenmaleriei in Verona Munich: , is an important study of the outdoor frescoes in Verona. Joseph Rushton. Italian Renaissance Figurative Sketchbooks, Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation University of Minnesota: 2 vols.

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